Following the fraudulent 2020 U.S. Presidential Election, tensions rose to a new high between Blue America and Red America. These tensions are being exacerbated by actions that are confirming narratives the other side holds of the other.
To Red America, media, globalists, China and corrupt political machines worked together to rig the U.S. presidential election to install a puppet of China to destroy America.
Under Joe Biden the Manchurian candidate, nationwide mask mandates, small businesses crushed by permanent lockdowns, social and community activities banned forever, mass unemployment, most Americans dependent on government for survival, national sovereignty handed over to UN and global agencies, 2nd Amendment is removed and expanded censorship by corporations and Big Tech. Under this regime, which some have called the Great Reset, America will no longer be the land of the free.
Blue America “won” and has taken no steps toward making Red America feel safe and united behind the “official” winner. They’ve instead chosen to act the way Red America fears. Blue America calls for vengeance against Trump supporters are rampant.
No one knows for certain whether these atrocities will happen, but Red America feels they will because the extremists on the other side are so loud and won’t shut up. In fact, they are being platformed and other side isn’t doing anything to calm down the other and unify the country.
A powerful force within this tension is the view that the other side is planning something horrifying to do to the other. The American Civil War—a conflict that killed over 750,000 the people— was instigated by the same force, according to Thomas Fleming’s A Disease in the Public Mind.
American southerners feared a race war would engulf their communities if blacks were free to unleash vengeance. In the back of the minds of most southerners was the slave revolt in Saint Domingo.
Here’s what followed the revolt:
General Jean-Jacques Dessalines had decided Haiti must be cleansed of everyone white. On March 9 he marched into the port of Jeremie and ragged every white male in the city into the town square. Dessalines gazed contemptuously at them and snarled: “You whites of Jeremie—I know how you hate me … The blood of you shall pay!”
Five doctors, an American visitor, and a few foreign merchants were shoved to the other side of the square. Next Dessalines offered amnesty to about four hundred men of property if they would pay substantial ransoms before sundown. The rest were hacked to death by ax-wielding executioners. The four hundred reprieved men paid their ransoms well before sundown. But they were not released. During the night, they were all beheaded and their bodies left in a huge pile.
Dessalines marched to other cities and repeated this gruesome performance. Some of this generals, such as Jean Christophe, tried to dissuade him…But the new ruler was implacable. French men, women and children died in the same merciless way….
Dessalines closed his campaign with a masterful final act of treachery. He issued a proclamation, calling on whites who had remained in hiding to emerge, guaranteeing them safe conduct to departing ships. A few dozen took him at his word—and met instant death from the waiting ax-men.
American newspapers covered the brutality. The visual imagery and story of the revolt scarred southerners for generations.
The impact is similar to how the imagery of 9/11 influences our fears of terrorism so much that we continue to accept infringements on our privacy. It’s been 19 years since the September 11 attacks and we still are being groped at the airports and have bureaucrats sifting through our luggage.
We remember how something makes us feel more than anything, especially if the feeling came from a visually powerful story. Even as time passes, the event influences our behavior — consciously and subconsciously. At a societal level, it steer groups of people toward war.
America saw its own revolts closer to home. Nat Turner’s slave revolt, John Brown’s raid and Vessey plot reinforced the paranoia of southerners. Northern antislavery and abolitionist factions weren’t doing anything to disconfirm the paranoia. Abolitionists like William Lloyd Garrison publicly spewed contempt for all southerners, and some even financed John Brown’s raid.
The race war nightmare was seen as so much a possibility that it pushed Robert E. Lee, a man with over 34 years of loyal service, into betraying the Union to lead the Confederate army. Lee was reluctant to lead Virginia militarily because he thought secession was a terrible idea. He was struggling to decide which side to join, but abolitionist extremism and the fear of a race war pushed him into supporting the Southern secession cause.
As Robert E. Lee sat there trying to absorb this astounding offer, what did he think and feel? What did he remember? Almost certainly his first thought was John Brown. That madman’s rant about the sin of slavery and the blood that was required to wash it away, the pikes he had been prepared to put into the hands of slaves, weapons that might have been thrust into the bodies of Lee’s daughters and wife, the letters in Brown’s carpetbag linking him to wealthy northern backers. Could General Lee invade Virginia or any other southern state at the head of an army composed of men who believed John Brown was as divine as Jesus Christ? How could the orders of a southern-born general, a slave owner thanks to his wife, restrain such men?
Non-slaveowners shared the same fears:
There was a saying in the army General William Tecumseh Sherman led through Georgia the most men were more inclined to shoot an abolitionist than a rebel. They learned on that march that only a small minority of Southerners owned slaves. For the rest of the Confederate soldiers, it was a “rich man’s war and a poor man’s fight.” But very few understood why the southern poor men were fighting so ferociously: their fear that black emancipation would be a preclude to a race war.